Colonel Ahmed Orabi or Ahmed Urabi (Arabic: أحمد عرابى, Egyptian Arabic pronunciation: [ˈæħmæd ʕoˈɾˤɑːbi]; April 1, 1841 – September 21, 1911; also known as Orabi Pasha, Orabi Pasha and Ahmed Pasha Orabi el-Masri; his name was also transliterated Ahmad Arabi in older sources) was an Egyptian army general, and nationalist who led a revolt in 1879 against Tewfik Pasha, the Khedive of Egypt and Sudan, and the increasing European domination of the country. The revolt was ultimately crushed in 1882 when the United Kingdom invaded at the request of Tewfik, thereby commencing the 40 year British occupation Egypt. Orabi was the first Egyptian national political and military leader to rise from the fellahin.
Early lifeHe was born in 1841 in the village of Hreyya Razna near Zagazig in the Sharqia Governorate, approximately 80 kilometres to the north of Cairo.[1] Orabi was the son of a village leader and one of the wealthier members of the community, which allowed him to received a decent education. After completing elementary education in his home village, he enrolled at Al-Azhar University to complete his schooling in 1849. He entered the army and moved up quickly through the ranks, reaching Lieutenant Colonel by age 20. The modern education and military service of Orabi, from a fellah, or peasant background, would not be possible without the modernizing reforms of Khedive Ismail, who had done much to eliminate the barriers between the bulk of the Egyptian populace and the ruling elite, who were drawn largely from the military castes that had ruled Egypt for centuries. Ismail abolished the exclusive access to the Egyptian and Sudanese military ranks held by Egyptians of Balkan, Circassian, and Turkish origin, and conscripted soldiers, and recruited students throughout Egypt and Sudan regardless of class and ethnic backgrounds in order to form a "modern" and "national" Egyptian military and bureaucratic elite class. Without these reforms, Orabi's rise through the ranks of the military would likely have been far more restricted.[edit]Protest against TewfiqHe was a galvanizing speaker. Because of his peasant origins, he was at the time, and is still today, viewed as an authentic voice of the Egyptian people. Indeed, he was known by his followers as 'El Wahid' (the Only One), and when the British poet and explorer Wilfrid Scawen Blunt went to meet him, he found the entrance of Orabi's house was blocked with supplicants. When Khedive Tawfiq issued a new law preventing peasants from becoming officers, Orabi led the group protesting the preference shown to aristocratic officers (again, largely Egyptians of foreign descent). He and his followers, who included most of the army, were successful and the law was repealed. In 1879 they formed the Egyptian Nationalist Party.
He and his allies in the army joined with the reformers, and with the support of the peasants launched a broader effort to try to wrest Egypt and Sudan from foreign control, and also to end the absolutist regime of the Khedive, who was himself subject to Anglo-French control under the rules of the Caisse de la Dette Publique. The revolt spread to express resentment of the undue influence of foreigners, including the predominantly Turko-Circassian aristocracy.[edit]Parliament planningHe was first promoted to Bey, then made under-secretary of war, and ultimately a member of the cabinet. Plans were begun to create a parliamentary assembly. During the last months of the revolt (July to September 1882), it was claimed that Orabi held the office of prime minister.
Feeling threatened, Khedive Tawfiq called requested assistance against Orabi from the Ottoman Sultan, to whom Egypt and Sudan still owed technical fealty. The Sublime Porte hesitated.[edit]British interventionThe British were especially concerned that Orabi would default on Egypt's massive debt and that he might try to re-gain control of the Suez Canal. They and the French therefore dispatched warships to Egypt to intimidate the nationalists, though the French later withdrew their contingent of the operation. This naval presence spurred fears of an imminent invasion (as had been the case in Tunisia in 1881) and caused anti-European riots to break out in Alexandria on the June 12, 1882. One month later, the warships opened fire on the city's gun emplacements after the Egyptians ignored the ultimatum issued by Admiral Seymour which demanded an immediate end to the installation of those emplacements. In September of that year a British army landed in Alexandria but failed to reach Cairo after being defeated at the battle of Kafr-el-Dawwar. Another army, led by Sir Garnet Wolseley, landed in the Canal Zone and on September 13, 1882 they defeated Orabi's army at the Battle of Tel el-Kebir. From there, the cavalry advanced on Cairo which surrendered without a shot, as did Orabi and the other nationalist leaders.[edit]Exile and returnOrabi was tried by the restored Khedivate for rebellion on December 3, 1882. In accordance with an understanding made with the British representative, Lord Dufferin, Orabi pleaded guilty and was sentenced to death, but the sentence was immediately commuted to one of banishment for life.[2] He left Egypt on December 28, 1882 for Ceylon (now Sri Lanka). His home in Halloluwa Road, Kandy is now the Orabi Pasha Museum and Cultural Centre. During his time in Ceylon, Orabi served to improve the quality of education amongst the Muslims in the country. Zahira College, Sri Lanka's first school for Muslims, was established under his patronage. In May 1901, Khedive Abbas II, Tewfiq's son and successor permitted Orabi to return to Egypt. Abbas was a nationalist in the vein of his grandfather, Khedive Ismail the Magnificent, and was deeply opposed to the British occupation of the country. Orabi returned on October 1, 1901, and remained until his death on September 21, 1911.[3]While British intervention was meant to be short term, British forces continued to occupy the country, instituting the ousting of Khedive Abbas II in 1914, after which Egypt once more became a sultanate, and also a British protectorate. Britain finally recognised Egyptian independence in 1922, following the Egyptian Revolution of 1919. Orabi's revolt also had a long lasting significance as the first instance of Egyptian anti-imperialist nationalism, which would later play a very important role in Egyptian history. Especially under Gamal Abdel Nasser, Orabi would be regarded as an Egyptian patriot, and a national hero and is considered an anti-imperialist hero in Sri Lanka.[4]
Mustafa Kamil Pasha
Mustafa Kamil Pasha
Muṣṭafā Kāmil Pasha (Arabic: مصطفى كامل, IPA: [mosˈtˤɑfɑ ˈkæːmel]) (August 14, 1874, Cairo, Egypt – February 10, 1908, Cairo) was an Egyptian lawyer, journalist, and nationalist activist.[edit]BiographyThe son of an Egyptian army officer, Kamil was trained as a lawyer at the French law school in Cairo and the Law Faculty at the University of Toulouse in France. As a passionate nationalist, he supported Egypt's khedive, Abbas Hilmi II, who strongly opposed the United Kingdom's occupation of Egypt and Sudan. He also sought co-operation with France and the Ottoman Empire, but later he gradually grew more independent of outside backers, and appealed mainly to the Egyptian people to demand the end of the British occupation. He also called on Khedive Abbas to grant constitutional government to his subjects.In 1900, Kamil founded the newspaper Al-Liwa' ("The Standard") as a platform for his views and utilized his skill as both a journalist and lawyer. He also founded a boys' school open to Egyptian Muslims, Christians, and Jews. His cause was strengthened by the Dinshaway Incident in June 1906 in which four peasants were hastily tried and hanged for having assaulted uniformed British officers who were shooting pigeons in their village.He was supported strongly by Mohammad Farid, a prominent member of Egypt and Sudan's aristocracy. With Farid's assistance, Kamil founded the National Party in December 1907, two months before his death. His funeral was the occasion for a massive demonstration of popular grief. Farid, who spent his last penny supporting the country's national liberation movement, became the leader of the National Party after Kamil's death.The mausoleum of Mustafa Kamil (built between 1949-53) close to Cairo's Citadel in neo-Mamluk style is open to the public as a museum, and holds in a side room a display of memorabilia related to him.[1]Kamil is remembered as a fervent Egyptian nationalist, and an articulate advocate of Egyptian independence. The current Egyptian national anthem (Bilady) is thought to have been inspired by one of Mustafa Kamil's speeches.- "If I weren't an Egyptian, I would have wished to be an Egyptian," one of most famous quotes in Egyptian modern history, was said by Mustafa Kamil.Fazlur Rahman Malik argues that even though he was necessarily secular, his nationalism was inspired by an Islamic past. This appears to be the natural conclusion as Egypt had remained under the Islamic Caliphate system for centuries before.[2] The British often accused him of advocating pan-Islam, and it is well known that he supported the Ottoman Sultan against the Egyptian Government and the British who dominated Egypt in the dispute over Taba in May 1906.[edit]
Mohammad FaridThis article is about the Egyptian political figure. For the former Afghan football coach, see Mohammad Farid (coach)
Mohammad Farid or
Muhammad Farîd (
Arabic:
محمد فريد) (January 20, 1868 in
Cairo – November 15, 1919 in
Berlin) was an influential
Egyptian political figure of
Turkish ancestry.
[1][2] A nationalist leader, writer, and lawyer, Farid was the son of the director of el-Da'irah el-Saniyya (state domains administration) and belonged to a landowning family. He attended the Khalil Agha School, the Ecole des Freres, and the School of Administration. He worked as a lawyer for the Egyptian government and for the Parquet (office of the attorney general) until he was dismissed for backing Shaykh Ali Yusuf, a popular Egyptian newspaper editor who was tried for publishing secret telegrams taken from the War Ministry. Farid proceeded to open his own law office.Farid was the main political and financial supporter of
Mustafa Kamil, the founder of the Egyptian National Party, and after his premature death in 1908, was elected second president of that party. He led the party in
Egypt until March 1912 and then in exile until his death. He argued that the British must withdraw their army of occupation from Egypt and that only Egypt's monarch, the
khedive, could grant a constitution to the
Egyptians. He called for the spread of education and advocated social and economic reforms, especially to benefit workers. At times he sought help from the
Ottoman Empire (to which the Egyptian khedivate still owed technical fealty), notably while in exile during
World War I, but he also suspected the
Turks of undermining Egyptian national aims
[citation needed]. Farid's occasional support for pan-
Islam alienated Egyptian
Copts.Among Egyptians today, Farid is respected for his nationalism, courage, and self-sacrifice. His memoirs have been published in Arabic, and partly in English translation. He also wrote histories of the
Muhammad Ali Dynasty, the
Roman Empire, and the Ottoman Empire, as well as travel diaries, and numerous articles for local nationalist newspapers.
Saad Zaghloul
Saad Zaghloul (Arabic: سعد زغلول; also: Saad Zaghlûl, Sa'd Zaghloul Pasha ibn Ibrahim) (1859 – August 23, 1927) was an Egyptianrevolutionary, and statesman. He served as Prime Minister of Egypt from January 26, 1924 to November 24, 1924.
Zaghloul was born in Ibyana village in the Kafr el-Sheikh Governorate of Egypt's Nile Delta. For his post-secondary education, he attended Al-Azhar University in Cairo. In the 1880s, he became politically active, for which he was arrested.[edit]Education, activism and exile[edit]Rise in the BureaucracyUpon his release from prison, he practiced law and distinguished himself; amassed some independent means, which enabled him to participate in Egyptian politics, then dominated by the struggle-moderate and extreme—against British occupation; and effected useful and permanent links with different factions of Egyptian nationalists. He became close to Princess Nazli Fazl, and his contacts with the Egyptian upper class led to his marriage to the daughter of the Egyptian prime minister Mustafa Pasha Fahmi, whose friendship with Lord Cromer, then the effective British ruler of Egypt, accounts in part for the eventual acceptability of Zaghlul to the British occupation. In succession Zaghlul was appointed judge, minister of education (1906–1908), minister of justice (1910–1912); in 1913 he became vice president of the Legislative Assembly.In all his ministerial positions Zaghlul undertook certain measures of reform that were acceptable to both Egyptian nationalists and the British occupation. Throughout this period, he kept himself outside extreme Egyptian nationalist factions, and though he was acceptable to the British occupation, he was not thereby compromised in the eyes of his Egyptian compatriots. The relationship between Britain and Egypt continued to deteriorate during and after World War I.[edit]ExileZaghlul became increasingly active in nationalist movements, and in 1918 he led an official Egyptian delegation (or wafd, the name of the political party he would later form) to the Paris Peace Conference demanding that the United Kingdom formally recognise the independence and unity of Egypt and Sudan (which had been united as one country under Muhammad Ali Pasha). Britain had occupied the country in 1882, and declared it a protectorate at the outbreak of the First World War. Though Egypt and Sudan had its own sultan, parliament, and armed forces, it had effectively been under British rule for the duration of the occupation.The British in turn demanded that Zaghloul end his political agitation. When he refused, they exiled him to Malta, and later to the Seychelles. They had employed a similar tactic against Egyptian nationalist leader Ahmed Orabi in 1882, whom they exiled to Ceylon. At the time of Zaghloul's arrival in the Seychelles, a number of other prominent anti-imperialist leaders were also exiled there, including Mohamoud Ali Shire, the 20th Sultan of the Somali Warsangali Sultanate, with whom Zaghloul would soon develop a rapport.[1][edit]Political historyThe Saad Zaghloul Pasha statue inAlexandria.Zaghloul's absence caused disturbances in Egypt, ultimately leading to the Egyptian Revolution of 1919.[2] Upon his return from exile, Zaghloul led the Egyptian nationalist forces. The elections of January 12, 1924 gave the Wafd Party an overwhelming majority, and two weeks later, Zaghloul formed the first Wafdist government. As P. J. Vatikiotis writes in The History of Modern Egypt (4th ed., pp. 279 ff.):
The masses considered Zaghloul their national leader, the za'im al-umma, the uncompromising national hero. His opponents were equally discredited as compromisers in the eyes of the masses. Yet he also had finally come to power partly because he had compromised with the palace group and implicitly accepted the conditions governing the safeguarding of British interests in Egypt.
Following the assassination on November 19, 1924 of Sir Lee Stack, the Sirdar and Governor-General of the Sudan, and subsequent British demands which Zaghloul felt to be unacceptable, Zaghloul resigned. He returned to government in 1926 until his death in 1927. Wael Ghonim
Wael Ghonim (Arabic: وائل غنيم, IPA: [ˈwæːʔel ɣoˈneːm]; other transliterations include: Ghoneim, Ghonaim) (born 23 December 1980 in Cairo, Egypt) is anInternet activist and computer engineer with an interest in social entrepreneurship.[2]In 2011, he became an international figure and energized pro-democracy demonstrations in Egypt after his emotional interview[3] following 11 days of secret incarceration by Egyptian police—during which he was interrogated regarding his work as the administrator of the Facebook page, "We are all Khaled Saeed", which helped spark the revolution.[4][5] The TIME magazine added him in its "Time 100" list of 100 most influential people of 2011.[6]
[edit]BackgroundWael Ghonim was born to a middle-class family on 23 December 1980 in Cairo, Egypt and grew up in Abha, Saudi Arabia until he was 13 years old, then he moved back to live in Cairo. In January 2010, Wael was promoted to Head of Marketing at Google in the Middle East & North Africa and moved to Dubai,the United Arab Emirates.He earned a BS in computer engineering from Cairo University in 2004 and an MBA, with honors, in marketing and finance from the American University in Cairo in 2007.[citation needed][edit]CareerFrom 1998–2002 Wael founded and managed one of the most visited websites in the Arab world.[citation needed] Until 2005 he was Marketing and Sales Manager of Gawab.[7][8] In 2005, Wael left Gawab to establish Mubasher.info a pioneering financial portal in the region.[7] Wael joined Google Middle East and North Africa as their Regional Marketing Manager in 2008 based at Google Egypt.[citation needed] In January 2010 Wael became Head of Marketing ofGoogle Middle East and North Africa based at Google's UAE office in Dubai Internet City in Dubai.[9][10] During the Egyptian revolution of 2011 Wael took leave from Google to focus on his work in Egypt and the Middle East. He has also been a consultant on the development of the Egyptian e-government portal and a participant in the ongoing political discussion after the resignation of Hosni Mubarak.[edit]Involvement in the Egyptian Revolution of 2011In 2010, Wael Ghonim founded a Facebook page titled, "We Are All Khaled Said," supporting Khaled Said, a young Egyptian who was tortured to death by police in Alexandria. Wael Ghonim used this page in moving and integrating the anti-government protests of the 25th of Jan revolution.He first made an announcement on the page on the 14th of Jan asking members if they were going to plan on taking to the streets on 25th of Jan and do what Tunisia did? In less than 2 hours he published an event entitled: 25 يناير على التعذيب والفساد والظلم والبطالة [January 25: Revolution against Torture, Corruption, Unemployment and Injustice]. This was the first invitation and many others followed. He anonymously collaborated with activists on the ground to announce the locations for the protest.The page also organized interesting activities such as the Silent Stands and the Police Communication Campaign.[11][12]In January 2011, Ghonim persuaded Google to allow him to return to Egypt, citing a "personal problem".[13] He came to Egypt to partake in the Egyptian Revolution,[12] but he disappeared on 27 January during the nationwide unrest in Egypt. His family told Al-Arabiya and other international media that he was missing. Google also issued a statement confirming the disappearance. Many bloggers like Chris DiBona and Habib Haddad campaigned in an attempt to identify his whereabouts.On 5 February 2011, Mostafa Alnagar, a major Egyptian opposition figure,[14] reported that Wael Ghonim was alive and detained by the authorities and to be released 'within hours'.[15] On 6 February 2011, Amnesty International demanded that the Egyptian authorities disclose where Ghonim was and to release him.[16]On 7 February, Ghonim was released after 11 days in detention. Upon his release, he was greeted with cheers and applause when he stated: "We will not abandon our demand and that is the departure of the regime."[17]The same day, Ghonim appeared on the Egyptian channel DreamTV on the 10:00 pm programme hosted by Mona El-Shazly. In the interview he praised the protesters and mourned the dead as the host read their names and showed their pictures, eventually rising, "overwhelmed," and walking off camera. The host followed.[18][19] In the interview, he also urged that they deserved attention more than he did, and calling for the end of the Mubarak regime, describing it again as 'rubbish'. He also asserted his allegiance to Egypt, saying that he would never move to the United States, the homeland of his wife.[20][21] Becoming a symbol of the revolution in Egypt,[22] Ghonim stated that he is "ready to die" for the cause.[23]At the end ..., he gathered himself for a few seconds and tried to make the most of the platform [El-Shazly] had given him. 'I want to tell every mother and every father who lost a child, I am sorry, but this is not our mistake,' he said. 'I swear to God, it’s not our mistake. It’s the mistake of every one of those in power who doesn’t want to let go of it.'"[18]On 9 February, Ghonim addressed the crowds in Tahrir Square, telling the protesters: "This is not the time for individuals, or parties, or movements. It's a time for all of us to say just one thing: Egypt above all."[24]Wael Ghonim also made an appearance on "60 Minutes", sitting down with Harry Smith. During his interview he said:"Our revolution is like Wikipedia, okay? Everyone is contributing content, [but] you don't know the names of the people contributing the content. This is exactly what happened. Revolution 2.0 in Egypt was exactly the same. Everyone contributing small pieces, bits and pieces. We drew this whole picture of a revolution. And no one is the hero in that picture."[25]The scholar Fouad Ajami writes about the revolution:"No turbaned ayatollah had stepped forth to summon the crowd. This was not Iran in 1979. A young Google executive, Wael Ghonim, had energized this protest when it might have lost heart, when it could have succumbed to the belief that this regime and its leader were a big, immovable object. Mr. Ghonim was a man of the modern world. He was not driven by piety. The condition of his country—the abject poverty, the crony economy of plunder and corruption, the cruelties and slights handed out to Egyptians in all walks of life by a police state that the people had outgrown and despaired of—had given this young man and others like him their historical warrant."[26][edit]International Monetary Fund (IMF) annual meetingWael Ghonim attended the International Monetary Fund (IMF) meeting in 2011, stating that "I feel like Joe the Plumber," referring to the conservative activist who became a shorthand for populist outrage during the 2008 U.S. presidential election. "When I was coming here, a lot of people were criticizing me for it. The perception is that the IMF was part of the problem. It made these regimes survive and put these countries into debt." Ghonim said he had come to the IMF to represent "people like me who don't understand economics." To which Strauss-Kahn replied, "Wael, you understand a lot more than you say."According to Ghonim, the kind of macroeconomic discussions at the panel were far from the mindset of activists in Tahrir Square:" Honestly we were just thinking of how to get rid of the nightmare, not to start dreaming. I went to the street because of two things: I hate it when I see people eating from the trash. I work for a corporation, I'm well paid, and a lot of us just sympathized with those people, but they're not willing to pay the price of really helping them out. It's not just me; it's thousands of Egyptians. One of my friends who lost his eye [during the protests] actually drives a Ferrari. He went on the day of 25th. The second was dignity. We wanted our dignity back. And dignity does have an economic aspect. "He also took issue with Strauss-Kahn's characterization of "mistakes" made by the international community during the Mubarak era:" It's such an understatement to say mistake. To me, what was happening was a crime. The way the international community was dealing with the injustice and dictators in the region was basically a crime -- partners in crime. "Ghonim continued his criticism of the IMF's aid to the Mubarak regime and expressed a hope that the days of Egypt relying on international aid would soon be over.[27][edit]Role after the revolutionIn April 2011 Ghonim announce he was taking a "long term sabbatical" from Google in order to start a "technology focused NGO to help fight poverty & foster education in Egypt."[2]In May 2011 Ghonim said that he has signed "Revolution 2.0" book deal.[28] All proceeds from the book will go the NGO he started in Egypt to fight poverty and provide education.[edit]AwardsWael Ghonim topped Time magazine’s yearly list of the world’s 100 most influential people. On 26 April, He arrived in New York to be honored at the 2011 Time 100 Gala ceremony where he began his speech with a moment of silence to mark those killed in protests around the Arab world.[29][30]On 3 May,World Press Freedom Day, Wael Ghonim was awarded with the Press Freedom prize from the Swedish division of Reporters without Borders.[31]Wael Ghonim also received the JFK Profile in Courage Award. On 23 May, Caroline Kennedy, daughter of President John F. Kennedy, presented the awards to Elizabeth Redenbaugh and Wael Ghonim, who was named a recipient on behalf of “the people of Egypt.” Kennedy said she could think of no better recipients.[32]Wael Ghonim was ranked the second most powerful Arab in Arabian Business's annual Power 500 of the world's most influential Arabs.[33]The magazine's annual report stated Ghonim as the primary contributor to the promotion and coordination of the movement of Egyptian youth through "Facebook", adding that Ghonim came to international fame via commercial news outlets word of mouth after his leadership of the Egyptian revolution.[34][35][edit]CriticismGhonim's social media feeds and public statements have been attracting increasing criticism. Shortly before the resignation of former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, Ghonim presented a deal to the Egyptian people according to which Mubarak could have remained in Cairo with an "honorary status." He later appeared on Al Arabiya TV to deny having said this, and added: "I am stronger than Hosni Mubarak. I am stronger than Omar Sulaiman."[36]From 18 May 2011, a major campaign on Twitter gained momentum with the hashtag #unfollowedghonimbecause, criticising Ghonim for various failings and an exaggerated focus on the Egyptian economy.[37]He has also been criticised for failing to publicly remedy doubts about the genesis of the We are all Khalid Said Facebook page, which is believed to have had at least one more initiator.[38]In response to the above criticism, some of Ghonim's supporters have launched a Facebook page, trying to declare him the spokesperson for the Egyptian revolutionaries - a role which, at any rate, Ghonim has consistently rejected. More than 400,000 people have joined the page.[39] Moreover, more than 360,000 people joined his personal page on Facebook and more than 1,650,000 people joined "we are all khaled saeed" page, which is run by him and other administrators who continue to be anonymous.[edit]Personal lifeGhonim is married to an American Muslim Ilka Johannson[40][41] and has two children, Israa and Adam.[42][43]
Taha HusseinFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Dr. Taha Hussein (November 14, 1889—October 28, 1973) (Arabic: طه حسين, Egyptian Arabic: [ˈtˤɑːhɑ ħ(e)ˈseːn], Arabic: [tˤaːha ħusajn]) (nicknamed "Dean of Arabic Literature")[2] was one of the most influential 20th century Egyptian writers and intellectuals, and a figurehead for the Arab Renaissance and themodernist movement in the Arab World.
[edit]BiographyFurther information: Taha Hussein MuseumTaha ( he-sein ) was born in the village of Izbet el Kilo in Minya Governorate in central Upper Egypt. He went to a kottab, and then was sent to Al-Azhar University, where he was educated in religion and Arabic literature. From his childhood days he was reluctant to engrave the traditional education in his heart. Hussein was the seventh of thirteen children, living in a lower-middle class family. He became blind at the age of three due to a faulty treatment by an unskilled practitioner and was dealt with a great deal of anguish throughout his entire life.[3]Hussein met and married Suzanne Bresseau while attending the University of Montpellier in France. She was referred to as “sweet voice”. This name came from her ability to read to him as he was trying to improve his grasp of the French language. Suzanne became his wife, best friend, mother of his two children and mentor throughout his life.Taha Hussein’s children, his daughter Amina and her younger brother Moenis, both were important figures in Egypt. Amina, who died at the age of 70, was among the first Egyptian women to graduate from Cairo University. She and her brother, Moenis, translated his Adib (The Intellectual) into French. This was especially important to their father, who was an Egyptian who moved to France and learned the language. Even more importantly, the character of Adib is one of a young man who, like Taha Hussein, had to go experience the cultural shock of an Egyptian studying and living in France.[4][edit]Academic careerWhen the secular Cairo University was founded in 1908, he was keen to enter, and despite being blind and poor he earned a place. In 1914, he became the first graduate to receive a Ph.D., with a thesis on the skeptic poet and philosopher Abu-Alala' Al-Ma'ari. He went on to become a professor of Arabic literature there. In 1919, he was appointed a professor of history at the Cairo University. Additionally, he was founding Rector of the University of Alexandria. He wrote many novels and essays, though in the West he is best known for his autobiography, al-Ayyam (الايام, The Days) which was published in English as An Egyptian Childhood (1932) and The Stream of Days (1943), in which he expressed doubt about the authenticity of much traditional Arabic poetry, claiming that it may have been faked during ancient times due to tribal pride and competition between those tribes. In this book, he also hinted indirectly that the Quran should not be taken as an objective source of history. Naturally this book aroused the intense anger and hostility of al-Azhar and many other traditionalists, and he was prosecuted with the accusation of insulting Islam, but the public prosecutor stated that what Taha Hussein said was the opinion of an academic researcher and no legal action was taken against him, although he lost his post at Cairo University in 1931. His book was banned but was later published with slight modifications under the title On Pre-Islamic Literature.Taha Hussein was an Egyptian renaissance intellectual and a proponent of the ideology of Egyptian nationalism along with what he called Pharaonism, believing that Egyptian civilization was diametrically opposed to Arab civilization, and that Egypt would only progress by reclaiming its ancient pre-Islamic roots.[5]After Hussein obtained his MA from the University of Montpellier, one of Europe's oldest universities, he continued on with his academics and received another Ph.D at Sorbonne University, which is considered to be one of Europe's most prestigious universities. With this accomplishment, Hussein became the first Egyptian and member of the mission to receive an MA and Ph.D from France. For his doctoral dissertation, written in 1917, Hussein wrote on Ibn Khaldun, a Tunisian historian, believed to be the founder of sociology. Two years later, in 1919, Hussein made his way back to Egypt from France with his wife, Suzanne. In Egypt, he was appointed to be professor of history at Cairo University.In 1950, Hussein was appointed as the Minister of Education, and from there was able to put his motto into motion: "Education is like the air we breathe and the water we drink." Without Taha Hussein and his willingness to promote education, millions of Egyptians would never have become literate.[6][edit]Positions and TasksDr. Taha Hussein was appointed in many positions including working as a professor of history, Greek and Roman literature in Cairo University following his return from France. He worked as a professor of Arabic literature in the Faculty of Arts. In 1930, He was dismissed from the university following the in 1926 publication of his controversial book "On Pre-Islamic Poetry" or " On The poetry of the period of ignorance" , but the American University in Cairo appointed him and in 1942 he became an adviser to the Minister of Education and a director of the University of Alexandria until he retired on October 16, 1944. In 1950, he became a Minister of Knowledge (Ministry of Education nowadays) where he led a call for free education and the right of everyone to get educated. Additionally, he was an advocate against the confinement of education to the rich people only. In that respect, he says, "Education is as water and air, the right of every human being". Consequently, on his hands, education became free and Egyptians started getting free education. He has also transformed many of the Quranic schools to primary schools,was credited with establishing a number of Egyptian universities and converting a number of high schools to colleges such as the Graduate School of Medicine, Agriculture and others.Taha Hussein held the position of chief editor of a number of newspapers and has written numerous articles in addition to membership in several scientific academies, whether inside or outside Egypt.[edit]Taha Hussein's literary works can be divided into 3 categories:
- Studies of Arabic and Islamic literature and culture.
- Fictional literary works centered on social commentary attacking poverty and ignorance.
- Political articles published in the two journals of which he was editor-in-chief.
- Complete Works of Taha Hussein 1-16 [1]
- The Memory of Abu El Alaa 1915
- Selected Poetical Texts of the Greek Drama 1924
- Dramas by a Group of the Most Famous French Writers 1924
- Pioneers of Thoughts 1925
- The Days "3 Volumes" 1933
- The Prophet's Life "Ala Hamesh El Sira" 1933
- The Literary Life in the Arabian Peninsula 1935
- Together with Abi El Alaa in his Prison 1935
- Together with El Motanabi 1937
- The Future of Culture in Egypt 1938
- Chapters on Literature and Criticism 1945
- The Voice of Abu El Alaa 1945
- Osman "The first Part of the Greater Sedition
- The Tortured of Modern Conscience 1949
- The Divine Promise "El Wa'd El Haq" 1950
- The Paradise of Animals 1950
- Ali and His Sons (The 2nd Part of the Greater Sedition" 1953
- (Sharh Lozoum Mala Yalzm, Abu El Alaa) 1955
- (Anatagonism and Reform 1955
- Criticism and Reform 1956
- Our Contemporary Literature 1958
- On the Western Drama 1959
- Al-Shaikhan (Abi Bakr and Omar Ibn El Khatab) 1960
- From Summer Nonsense to Winter Seriousness 1961
- Tradition and Renovation 1978
- From the Other Shore 1980
[edit]
- Jules Simon's The Duty 1920-1921
- Athenians System (Nezam Al-Ethnien) 1921
- The Spirit of Pedagogy 1921
- From the Greek Dramatic Literature (Sophocle) 1939
- Voltaire's Zadig or (The Fate) 1947
[edit]See also
- Historic house and biographical museum in Cairo
WorksTranslations
The Saad Zaghloul Pasha statue inAlexandria.Zaghloul's absence caused disturbances in Egypt, ultimately leading to the Egyptian Revolution of 1919.[2] Upon his return from exile, Zaghloul led the Egyptian nationalist forces. The elections of January 12, 1924 gave the Wafd Party an overwhelming majority, and two weeks later, Zaghloul formed the first Wafdist government. As P. J. Vatikiotis writes in The History of Modern Egypt (4th ed., pp. 279 ff.):
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