 Ahmed Zewail | |
|---|---|
 Portrait of Ahmed Zewail | |
| Born | Ahmed Hassan Zewail February 26, 1946 Damanhour, Egypt |
| Nationality | Egyptian and American |
| Fields | Chemistry, physics |
| Institutions | California Institute of Technology |
| Alma mater | University of Alexandria, University of Pennsylvania |
| Known for | Femtochemistry |
| Notable awards | Nobel Prize for Chemistry (Sweden)(1999) The Franklin Medal (USA) (1998) Wolf Prize (Israel) (1993) Priestley Medal (USA) (2011) |
| Website | |
| http://www.its.caltech.edu/~femto/ | |
(Arabic: أحمد حسن زويل, IPA:
[ˈæħmæd ˈħæsæn zeˈweːl]; born February
26, 1946) is an Egyptian-American scientist who
won the 1999 Nobel Prize in Chemistry for his
work on femtochemistry. He is the Linus Pauling
Chair Professor Chemistry and Professor of
Physics at the California Institute of Technology.
[edit]Academic career
After some post doctorate work at UC-Berkeley,
he was awarded a faculty appointment at Caltech
in 1976, where he has remained since, and in
1990, he was made the first Linus Pauling Chair
in Chemical Physics.[1] He became a naturalized
citizen of the United States in 1982.
Zewail has been nominated and will participate in President Barack Obama's Presidential Council
of Advisors on Science and Technology (PCAST), an advisory group of the nation's leading
scientists and engineers to advise the President and Vice President and formulate policy in the areas of science, technology, and innovation.[2][edit]Research
Zewail's key work has been as a pioneer of femtochemistry—i.e. the study of chemical reactions
across femtoseconds. Using a rapid ultrafast lasertechnique (consisting of ultrashort laser
flashes), the technique allows the description of reactions on very short time scales - short enough
to analyse transition states in selected chemical reactions.[3]
In 1999, Zewail became the third ethnic Egyptian to receive the Nobel Prize, following Egyptian
president Anwar Al-Sadat (1978 in Peace), Naguib Mahfouz (1988 in Literature). Mohamed
ElBaradei followed him (2005 in peace). Other international awards include the Wolf Prize in
Chemistry (1993) awarded to him by the Wolf Foundation, the Tolman Medal (1997), the Robert
A. Welch Award (1997), and the Priestley Medal from the American Chemical Society in 2011.[4]
In 1999, he received Egypt's highest state honor, the Grand Collar of the Nile.
Zewail was awarded an honorary doctorate by Lund University in Sweden in May 2003 and is a
member of the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences. Cambridge University awarded him an
honoraryDoctor of Science in 2006. In May 2008, Zewail received an honorary doctorate
fromComplutense University of Madrid. In February, 2009, Zewail was awarded an honorary
doctorate in arts and sciences by the University of Jordan.[5] In May 2010, he received a Doctor
of Humane Letters from Southwestern University. His students include scientists like Martin GruebeleZewail is married, and has four children.[edit]Political work
In his June 4, 2009 speech at Cairo University, US President Barack Obama announced a new
Science Envoy program as part of a "new beginning between the United States and Muslims
around the world." In January 2010, Ahmed Zewail, Elias Zerhouni, and Bruce Alberts became
the first US science envoys to Islam, visiting Muslim-majority countries from North Africa to Southeast Asia.[6]When asked about rumors that he might contest the 2011 Egyptian presidential election, Ahmed
Zewail said: "I am a frank man... I have no political ambition, as I have stressed repeatedly that I
only want to serve Egypt in the field of science and die as a scientist."[7]
During the 2011 Egyptian protests he announced his return to the country. Zewail said that he
would join a committee for constitutional reform alongside Ayman Nour, Mubarak's rival at the
2005 presidential elections and a leading lawyer.[8] Zewail was later mentioned as a respected
figure working as an intermediary between the military regime ruling after Mubarak's
resignation, and revolutionary youth groups such as the April 6 Youth Movement and young
supporters of Mohamed ElBaradei.[9][edit]Publications
- Advances in Laser Spectroscopy I, ed. A. H. Zewail, SPIE, Bellingham, 1977
- Advances in Laser Chemistry, ed. A. H. Zewail, Springer-Verlag, Berlin-Heidelberg, 1978
- Photochemistry and Photobiology, Vols. 1 and 2, ed. A. H. Zewail, Harwood Academic, London, 1983
- Ultrafast Phenomena VII, eds. C. B. Harris, E. P. Ippen, G. A. Mourou and A. H. Zewail, Springer-Verlag, Berlin-Heidelberg, 1990
- The Chemical Bond: Structure and Dynamics, ed. A. H. Zewail, Academic Press, Boston, 1992
- Ultrafast Phenomena VIII, eds. J.-L. Martin, A. Migus, G. A. Mourou, and A. H. Zewail, Springer-Verlag, Berlin-Heidelberg, 1993
- Ultrafast Phenomena IX, eds.
(autobiography)
- Physical Biology: From Atoms to Medicine, ed. A. H. Zewail, Imperial College Press, London, 2008
, ed. A. H. Zewail, Imperial College Press, London, 2009
(editor)
[edit]References
- ^ a b Zewail, Ahmed. "Autobiography". Nobelprize.org. Retrieved 12 February 2011.
"President Obama Announces Members of Science and Technology Advisory Council". The White House. Retrieved 12 February 2011.
"Press Release: The 1999 Nobel Prize in Chemistry". Nobelprize.org. Retrieved 12 February 2011.
"Zewail Wins 2011 Priestley Medal", Chemical & Engineering News, p 5, June 21, 2010.
Kheetan, Thameen (26 February 2009). "Egyptian Nobel laureate calls for ‘scientific renaissance’ in Arab world". Jordan Times. Retrieved 2009-02-28.
Naguib Mahfouz
This article is about the Egyptian novelist. For the Egyptian doctor, see Naguib Pasha Mahfouz.
| Naguib Mahfouz نجيب محفوظ | |
|---|---|
 | |
| Born | 11 December 1911 Cairo, Egypt |
| Died | 30 August 2006 (aged 94) Cairo, Egypt |
| Occupation | Novelist |
| Nationality | Egyptian |
| Notable work(s) | The Cairo Trilogy |
| Notable award(s) |  Nobel Prize in Literature(1988) |
Naguib Mahfouz (Arabic: نجيب محفوظ Nagīb Maḥfūẓ, IPA:
[næˈɡiːb mɑħˈfuːzˤ]; 11 December 1911 – 30 August
2006) was an Egyptian writer who won the 1988 Nobel Prize
for Literature. He is regarded as one of the first
contemporary writers of Arabic literature, along with Tawfiq
el-Hakim, to explore themes ofexistentialism.[1] He
published over 50 novels, over 350 short stories, dozens of
movie scripts, and five plays over a 70-year career. Many
of his works have been made into Egyptian and foreign
films.[edit]Early life and education
Born to a lower middle-class Muslim family in the
Gamaleyya quarter of Cairo, Mahfouz was named after
Professor Naguib Pasha Mahfouz (1882–1974), the
renowned Coptic physician who delivered him. Mahfouz
was the seventh and the youngest child in a family that had five boys and two girls. The family
lived in two popular districts of the town, in el-Gamaleyya, from where they moved in 1924 to el-
Abbaseyya, then a new Cairo suburb; both provided the backdrop for many of Mahfouz's writings.
His father, whom Mahfouz described as having been "old-fashioned", was a civil servant, and
Mahfouz eventually followed in his footsteps. In his childhood Mahfouz read extensively. His
mother often took him to museums and Egyptian history later became a major theme in many of
his books.[2]
The Mahfouz family were devout Muslims and Mahfouz had a strictly Islamic upbringing. In an
interview, he elaborated on the stern religious climate at home during his childhood years. He
stated that "You would never have thought that an artist would emerge from that family."[2]
The Egyptian Revolution of 1919 had a strong effect on Mahfouz, although he was at the time only
seven years old. From the window he often saw British soldiers firing at the demonstrators, men
and women. "You could say ... that the one thing which most shook the security of my childhood
was the 1919 revolution", he later said. After completing his secondary education, Mahfouz
entered King Fouad I University (now the University of Cairo), where he studied philosophy,
graduating in 1934. By 1936, having spent a year working on an M.A., he decided to become a
professional writer. Mahfouz then worked as a journalist at er-Risala, and contributed to el-Hilal
and Al-Ahram. The major Egyptian influence on Mahfouz's thoughts of science and socialism in
the 1930s was Salama Moussa, the Fabian intellectual.[edit]Civil service
Mahfouz left academia and pursued a career in the Ministry of Religious affairs. However, he was
soon moved to a role in the Ministry of Culture as the official responsible for the film industry,
due to his apparent atheism.[3]
A longtime civil servant, Mahfouz served in the Ministry of Mortmain Endowments, then as
Director of Censorship in the Bureau of Art, Director of the Foundation for the Support of the
Cinema, and finally as a consultant to the Ministry of Culture. He left his post as the Director of
Censorship and was appointed Director of the Foundation for the Support of the Cinema. He was a
contributing editor for the leading newspaper Al-Ahram and in 1969 he became a consultant to the
Ministry of Culture, retiring in 1972.[citation needed][edit]Marriage
Mahfouz remained a bachelor until the age of 43. The reason for his late marriage was that he
laboured under his conviction that with its numerous restrictions and limitations, marriage would
hamper his literary future. In 1954, he married an Egyptian woman, with whom he had two daughters.[citation needed][edit]NovelsHe published 34 novels, over 350 short stories, dozens of movie scripts and five plays over a 70-year career. Many of his works have been made into Egyptian films. He was a board member of the publisher Dar el-Ma'aref. Many of his novels were serialized in Al-Ahram, and his writings also appeared in his weekly column, "Point of View". Before the Nobel Prize only a few of his novels had appeared in the West.[citation needed][edit]Clash with fundamentalistsMahfouz did not shrink from controversy outside of his work. As a consequence of his outspoken support for Sadat's Camp David peace treaty with Israel in 1978, his books were banned in many Arab countries until after he won the Nobel Prize. Like many Egyptian writers and intellectuals, Mahfouz was on an Islamic fundamentalist "death list". He defended Salman Rushdie after Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini condemned Rushdie to death in 1989, but also criticized his Satanic Verses as "insulting" to Islam. Mahfouz believed in freedom of expression and although he did not personally agree with Rushdie's work, he did not believe that there should be a fatwa condemning him to death for it. In 1989, after Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini's fatwa calling for Salman Rushdie and his publishers to be killed, Mahfouz called Khomeini a terrorist.[4] Shortly after Mahfouz joined 80 other intellectuals in declaring that "no blasphemy harms Islam and Muslims so much as the call for murdering a writer."[5][edit]Attempted assassinationThe appearance of The Satanic Verses brought back up the controversy surrounding Mahfouz's novel Children of Gebelawi. Death threats against Mahfouz followed, including one from the "blind sheikh," Egyptian theologian Omar Abdul-Rahman. Mahfouz was given police protection, but in 1994 Islamic extremists almost succeeded in assassinating the 82-year-old novelist by stabbing him in the neck outside his Cairo home.[6]He survived, permanently affected by damage to nerves in his right hand. After the incident Mahfouz was unable to write for more than a few minutes a day and consequently produced fewer and fewer works. Subsequently, he lived under constant bodyguard protection. Finally, in the beginning of 2006, the novel was published in Egypt with a preface written by Ahmad Kamal Aboul-Magd. After the threats, Mahfouz stayed in Cairo with his lawyer Nabil Mounier Habib. Mahfouz and Mounir would spend most of their time in Mounir's office; Mahfouz used Mounir's library as a reference for most of his books. Mahfouz stayed with Mounir until his death.[citation needed][edit]Death and funeralPrior to his death, Mahfouz was the oldest living Nobel Literature laureate and the third oldest of all time, trailing only Bertrand Russell and Halldor Laxness. At the time of his death, he was the only Arabic-language writer to have won the Nobel Prize. In July 2006, Mahfouz sustained an injury to his head as a result of a fall. He remained ill until his death on 30 August 2006 in a Cairo hospital. In his old age, he became nearly blind, and though he continued to write, he had difficulties in holding a pen or a pencil. Prior to his death, he suffered from a bleeding ulcer, kidney problems, and cardiac failure. He was accorded a state funeral with full military honors on 31 August 2006. His funeral took place in the Al-Rashdan Mosque in Nasr City in Cairo.[citation needed][edit]Views, writing style, and themesMost of Mahfouz's early works were set in el-Gamaleyya. Abath Al-Aqdar (Mockery of the Fates) (1939), Rhadopis (1943), and Kifah Tibah (The Struggle of Thebes) (1944), were historical novels, written as part of a larger unfulfilled project of 30 novels. Inspired by Sir Walter Scott (1771–1832) Mahfouz planned to cover the whole history of Egypt in a series of books. However, following the third volume, Mahfouz shifted his interest to the present, the psychological impact of the social change on ordinary people.[citation needed]Mahfouz's central work in the 1950s was the Cairo Trilogy, an immense monumental work of 1,500 pages, which the author completed before the July Revolution. The novels were titled with the street names Palace Walk, Palace of Desire, and Sugar Street. Mahfouz set the story in the parts of Cairo where he grew up. They depict the life of the patriarch el-Sayyed Ahmed Abdel Gawad and his family over three generations, from World War I to the 1950s, when King Farouk I was overthrown. Mahfouz ceased to write for some years after finishing the trilogy. Disappointed in the Nasser régime, which had overthrown the monarchy in 1952, he started publishing again in 1959, now prolifically pouring out novels, short stories, journalism, memoirs, essays, and screenplays.[citation needed]Tharthara Fawq Al-Nīl ("Chatter on the Nile"; 1966) is one of his most popular novels. It was later made into a film featuring a cast of top actors during the time of president Anwar al-Sadat. The film/story criticizes the decadence of Egyptian society during the Nasser era. It was banned by Sadat to avoid provocation of Egyptians who still loved former president Nasser. Copies were hard to find prior to the late 1990s. Mahfouz's prose is characterised by the blunt expression of his ideas. His written works covered a broad range of topics, including socialism, homosexuality, and God. Writing about some of these subjects was prohibited in Egypt.[citation needed]The Children of Gebelawi (1959, also known as "Children of our Alley") one of Mahfouz's best known works, has been banned in Egypt for alleged blasphemy over its allegorical portrayal of God and themonotheistic Abrahamic faiths of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, until the ban was released in 2006. It portrayed the patriarch Gebelaawi and his children, average Egyptians living the lives of Cain andAbel, Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed. Gebelawi has built a mansion in an oasis in the middle of a barren desert; his estate becomes the scene of a family feud which continues for generations. "Whenever someone is depressed, suffering or humiliated, he points to the mansion at the top of the alley at the end opening out to the desert, and says sadly, 'That is our ancestor's house, we are all his children, and we have a right to his property. Why are we starving? What have we done?'" The book was banned throughout the Arab world, except in Lebanon, and in Egypt where the novel was published in 2006. In the 1960s, Mahfouz further developed its theme that humanity is moving further away from God in his existentialist novels. In The Thief and the Dogs (1961) he depicted the fate of a Marxist thief, who has been released from prison and plans revenge.[citation needed]In the 1960s and 1970s Mahfouz began to construct his novels more freely and to use interior monologues. In Miramar (1967) he developed a form of multiple first-person narration. Four narrators, among them a Socialist and a Nasserite opportunist, represent different political views. In the center of the story is an attractive servant girl. In Arabian Nights and Days (1981) and in The Journey of Ibn Fatouma (1983) Mahfouz drew on traditional Arabic narratives as subtexts. Akhenaten, Dweller in Truth (1985) is about conflict between old and new religious truths. Many of his novels were first published in serialized form, including Children of Gebelawi and Midaq Alley which was adapted into a Mexican film starring Salma Hayek (El callejón de los milagros).
Mahfouz described the development of his country in the 20th-century. He combined intellectual and cultural influences from East and West - his own exposure to the literarature of non-Egyptian culture began in his youth with the enthusiastic consumption of Western detective stories, Russian classics, and such modernist writers as Marcel Proust, Franz Kafka and James Joyce. Mahfouz's stories are almost always set in the heavily populated urban quarters of Cairo, where his characters, mostly ordinary people, try to cope with the modernization of society and the temptations of Western values.[citation needed][edit]Political influenceMost of Mahfouz's writings mainly dealt with politics, a fact he acknowledged: "In all my writings, you will find politics. You may find a story which ignores love or any other subject, but not politics; it is the very axis of our thinking".[7]He espoused Egyptian nationalism in many of his works, and expressed sympathies for the post-World-War era Wafd Party. He was also attracted to socialist and democratic ideals early on in his youth. The influence of socialist ideals is strongly reflected in his first two novels, Al-Khalili and New Cairo, and also in many of his latter works. Parallel to his sympathy for socialism and democracy was his antipathy towards Islamic extremism as expressed by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. He strongly criticized radical Islam in his works and contrasted between the merits of socialism and the demerits of Islamic extremism in his first two novels. He perceived Islamism as critically delineated and rejected it as unsuitable for all times. In his memoirs, he purportedly stated that of all the forces active in Egyptian politics during his youth, he most despised the Muslim Brotherhood.[citation needed]Mahfouz had personally known Sayyid Qutb in his youth, when the latter was showing a greater interest in literary criticism than in Islamic fundamentalism; Qutb later became a significant influence on the Muslim Brotherhood. In fact, Qutb was one of the first critics to recognize Mahfouz's talent in the mid-1940s. Mahfouz even visited Qutb when the latter was in the hospital, during the 1960s, near the end of his life. In his semi-autobiographical novel, Mirrors, he drew a very negative portrait of Sayyid Qutb. He was disillusioned with the 1952 revolution and by Egypt's defeat in the 1967 Six-Day War. He supported the principles of the revolution but became disillusioned, saying that the practices failed to live up to them. Naguib Mahfouz influenced a new generation of Egyptian lawyers, including Nabil Mounir and Reda Aslan.[citation needed][edit]Works
- Old Egypt
(1932, translated from English) مصر القديمة
- Rhadopis of Nubia
(1943) رادوبيس
- The Struggle of Thebes
(1944) كفاح طيبة
- Modern Cairo
(1945) القاهرة الجديدة
- Khan El-Khalili
(1945)خان الخليلي
- Midaq Alley
(1947) زقاق المدق
- The Mirage
(1948) السراب
- The Beginning and The End
(1950) بداية ونهاية
- Cairo Trilogy
(1956–57) الثلاثية
- Palace Walk
(1956) بين القصرين
- Palace of Desire
(1957) قصر الشوق
- Sugar Street
(1957) السكرية
- Children of Gebelawi
(1959) أولاد حارتنا
- The Thief and the Dogs
(1961) اللص والكلاب
- Quail and Autumn
(1962) السمان والخريف
- God's World
(1962) دنيا الله
- Zaabalawi
(1963)زعبلاوي
- The Search
(1964) الطريق
- The Beggar
(1965) الشحاذ
- Adrift on the Nile
(1966) ثرثرة فوق النيل
- Miramar
(1967) ميرامار
- The Pub of the Black Cat
(1969) خمارة القط الأسود
- A story without a beginning or an ending
(1971) حكاية بلا بداية ولا نهاية
- The Honeymoon
(1971) شهر العسل
- Mirrors
(1972) المرايا
- Love under the rain
(1973) الحب تحت المطر
- The Crime
(1973) الجريمة
- al-Karnak
(1974) الكرنك
- Respected Sir
(1975) حضرة المحترم
- The Harafish
(1977) ملحمة الحرافيش
- Love above the Pyramid Plateau
(1979) الحب فوق هضبة الهرم
- The Devil Preaches
(1979) الشيطان يعظ
- Love and the Veil
(1980) عصر الحب
- Arabian Nights and Days
(1981) ليالي ألف ليلة
- Wedding Song
(1981) أفراح القبة
- One hour remains
(1982) الباقي من الزمن ساعة
- The Journey of Ibn Fattouma
(1983) رحلة ابن فطومة
- Akhenaten, Dweller in Truth
(1985) العائش فى الحقيقة
- The Day the Leader was Killed
(1985) يوم مقتل الزعيم
- The Hunger
(Al-Go'a) (1986) الجوع
- Speaking the morning and evening
(1987) حديث الصباح والمساء
- Fountain and Tomb
(1988)
- Echoes of an Autobiography
(1994)
- Dreams of the Rehabilitation Period
(2004) أحلام فترة النقاهة
- The Seventh Heaven
(2005)
- Tharthara Fawq Al-Nīl
(1987)
Mohamed ElBaradeiFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
| Mohamed ElBaradei محمد البرادعى | |
|---|---|
 | |
| Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency | |
| In office 1 December 1997 – 30 November 2009 | |
| Preceded by | Hans Blix |
| Succeeded by | Yukiya Amano |
| Personal details | |
| Born | 17 June 1942 Cairo, Egypt |
| Alma mater | Cairo University Graduate Institute of International Studies New York University |
| Profession | Scholar, Diplomat, Activist |
| Religion | Islam[1][2] |
| Website | Official website |
His diplomatic career began in 1964 in the Ministry of External Affairs, where he served in the Permanent Missions of Egypt to the United Nations in New York and in Geneva, in charge of political, legal, and arms-control issues. From 1974 to 1978, he was a special assistant to the foreign minister. In 1980, he became a senior fellow in charge of the International Law Program at the United Nations Institute for Training and Research. From 1981 to 1987, he was also an adjunct professor of international law at the New York University School of Law.
In 1984, ElBaradei became a senior staff member of the IAEA Secretariat, serving as the agency's legal adviser (1984 to 1993) and Assistant Director General for External Relations (1993 to 1997).
ElBaradei is currently a member of both the International Law Association and the American Society of International Law.[edit]Public career as IAEA Director GeneralElBaradei began to serve as Director General of the IAEA, which is based in Vienna, on December 1, 1997, succeeding Hans Blix of Sweden.[8][9] He was re-elected for two more four-year terms in 2001 and in 2005. His third and last term ended in November 2009. ElBaradei's tenure has been marked by high-profile, non-proliferation issues, which include the inspections in Iraq preceding theMarch 2003 invasion and tensions over the nuclear program of Iran.[edit]First term as Director GeneralAfter being appointed by the IAEA General Conference in 1997, ElBaradei said in his speech that, “for international organizations to enjoy the confidence and support of their members, they have to be responsive to [members'] needs; show concrete achievements; conduct their activities in a cost-effective manner; and respect a process of equitable representation, transparency, and open dialogue.”[10]Just a couple of months before ElBaradei took office, the Model Additional Protocol was adopted, creating a new environment for IAEA verification by giving it greater authority to look for undeclared nuclear activities. When in office, Elbaradei launched a program to establish “integrated safeguards” combining the IAEA’s comprehensive safeguard agreements with the newly adopted Additional Protocol. In his statement to the General Conference in 1998, he called upon all states to conclude the Additional Protocol: “One of the main purposes of the strengthened-safeguards system can be better achieved with global adherence. I would, therefore, urge all states with outstanding-safeguards agreements to conclude them, and I would also urge all states to accelerate their consideration of the Model Additional Protocol and enter into consultations with the Agency at the earliest possible opportunity. We should work together to ensure that, by the year 2000, all states [will] have concluded outstanding-safeguards agreements and also the Additional Protocol.” Elbaradei repeated this call through his years as the Director General of the IAEA. In November 2009, 93 countries had Additional Protocols in force.[11]ElBaradei’s first term ended in November 2001, just two months after the terrorist attacks of 9/11. These attacks made clear that more needed to be done to protect nuclear material and installations from theft or a terrorist attack. Consequently, ElBaradei established a nuclear security program to combat the risk of nuclear terrorism by assisting member states to strengthen the protection of their nuclear and radioactive material and installations, the Nuclear Security Fund.[12][edit]Second term as Director GeneralOne of the major issues during ElBaradei’s second term as the director general of the IAEA was the agency’s inspections in Iraq. ElBaradei disputed the U.S. rationale for the 2003 invasion of Iraq from the time of the 2002 Iraq disarmament crisis, when he, along with Hans Blix, led a team of UN weapons inspectors in Iraq. ElBaradei told the UN Security Council in March 2003 that documents purporting to show that Iraq had tried to acquire uranium from Niger were not authentic.
ElBaradei described the U.S. invasion of Iraq as "a glaring example of how, in many cases, the use of force exacerbates the problem rather than [solves] it."[13] ElBaradei further stated that "we learned from Iraq that an inspection takes time, that we should be patient, that an inspection can, in fact, work,"[14] and that he had "been validated" in concluding that Saddam Hussein had not revived hisnuclear weapons program.[15]In a 2004 op-ed piece on the dangers of nuclear proliferation, in the New York Times (February 12, 2004), ElBaradei stated that "[w]e must abandon the unworkable notion that it is morally reprehensible for some countries to pursue weapons of mass destruction, yet morally acceptable for others to rely on them for security -- and indeed to continue to refine their capacities and postulate plans for their use."[16] He went on to say "If the world does not change course, we risk self-destruction."[edit]Third and final term as Director GeneralThe United States initially voiced opposition to his election to a third four-year term in 2005.[17] In a May 2005 interview with the staff of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Lawrence Wilkerson, the chief of staff to former U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell, charged former Undersecretary of State for Arms Control and International Security John Bolton with an underhanded campaign to unseat ElBaradei.[18] “Mr. Bolton overstepped his bounds in his moves and gyrations to try to keep [ElBaradei] from being reappointed as [IAEA] head,” Wilkerson said. The Washington Post reported in December 2004 that the Bush administration had intercepted dozens of ElBaradei’s phone calls with Iranian diplomats and was scrutinizing them for evidence [that] they could use to force him out.[18] IAEA spokesman Mark Gwozdecky said the agency worked on "the assumption that one or more entities may be listening to our conversations." "It's not how we would prefer to work, but it is the reality. At the end of the day, we have nothing to hide," he said. Iran responded to the Washington Post reports by accusing the U.S. of violating international law in intercepting the communications.[19]The United States was the only country to oppose ElBaradei's reappointment and eventually failed to win enough support from other countries to oust ElBaradei. On June 9, 2005, after a meeting between U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and ElBaradei, the United States dropped its objections. Among countries that supported Elbaradei were China, Russia, Germany, and France. China praised his leadership and objectivity,[17] and supported him for doing "substantial fruitful work, which has maintained the agency's role and credit in international non-proliferation and promoted the development of peaceful use of nuclear energy. His work has been universally recognized in the international community. China appreciates Mr. El Baradei's work and supports his reelection as the agency's director general."[20] France, Germany, and some developing countries, have made clear their support for ElBaradei as well.[18] Russia issued a strong statement in favor of re-electing him as soon as possible.
ElBaradei was unanimously re-appointed by the IAEA board on June 13, 2005.[21][edit]Comments on no fourth termIn 2008, ElBaradei said that he would not be seeking a fourth term as director general.[22] Moreover, he said, in an IAEA document,that he was "not available for a further term" in office.[23] In its first five rounds of voting, the IAEA Board of Governors was split in its decision regarding the next director general. ElBaradei said, "I just hope that the agency has a candidate acceptable to all--north, south, east, west--because that is what is needed."[24] After several rounds of voting, on July 3, 2009, Mr. Yukiya Amano, Japanese ambassador to the IAEA, was elected as the next IAEA director general.[edit]ElBaradei and U.S. RelationsMohamed ElBaradei, leader of the National Coalition for Change, has been a major voice for democratic change in Egypt since 2009 and was a significant leader during the recent protests.[25] However, he has a rocky history with the U.S. government and supports some policies that do not support current U.S. foreign policy towards stability in the Middle East. ElBaradei was the Director General of the IAEA from 1997–2009. During his three terms, he repeatedly downplayed claims of possible military dimensions to Iran's nuclear program, which undermined U.S. efforts to press Iran over its safeguards violations.[26] According to a July 3, 2003 article in Time Magazine, ElBaradei also maintained that Iraq's nuclear program had not restarted before the 2003 Iraq War, contradicting claims by the Bush Administration. He told the German news magazine Der Spiegel on July 12, 2010 that he wanted to open the Gaza Strip – Egypt border and accused Israel of being the biggest threat to the Middle East because of their nuclear weapons.[27]ElBaradei has called for international criminal investigation of former Bush regime officials for their roles in fomenting the war on Iraq.[28][edit]Role in addressing the nuclear program of IranMain article: Nuclear program of IranIn his last speech to the IAEA Board of Governors in June 2009, ElBaradei stated that “the agency has been able to continue to verify the non-diversion of declared nuclear material in Iran." He regretted, however, that "Iran has not implemented any of the measures called for by the Security Council and by the Agency's Board of Governors.” ElBaradei also said that he was encouraged “by the new initiative of the United States to engage the Islamic Republic of Iran in direct dialogue, without preconditions and on the basis of mutual respect” and expressed hope “that Iran will respond to the US initiative with an equal gesture of goodwill and trust building.” This gesture “could include implementing again the agency's design-information requirements and applying the provisions of the additional protocol.”
The IAEA Board of Governors and UN Security Council have commended ElBaradei for "professional and impartial efforts" to resolve all outstanding issues with Iran.[29][30] The Non-Aligned Movement(NAM) has also reiterated "its full confidence in the impartiality and professionalism of the Secretariat of the IAEA."[31][32][edit]In an interview with CNN in May 2007, ElBaradei gave one of his sternest warnings against using military action against Iran, a state signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Referring to "the extreme people who have extreme views" he said that "you do not want to give additional argument to some of the 'new crazies' who want to say let us go and bomb Iran."[33]The New York Times columnist Roger Cohen interviewed ElBaradei in April 2009. ElBaradei is quoted as saying, “Israel would be utterly crazy to attack Iran." He states that an attack on Iran's nuclear facilities would "turn the region into a ball of fire and put Iran on a crash course for nuclear weapons with the support of the whole Muslim world.”[34] ElBaradei believes that the nuclear non-proliferation regime has "lost its legitimacy in the eyes of Arab public opinion because of the perceived double standard" in relation to Israel's nuclear-weapons' program.[35]In an interview with French newspaper, Le Monde, ElBaradei said that he wants "to get people away from the idea that Iran will be a threat from tomorrow and that we are faced right now with the issue of whether Iran should be bombed or allowed to have the bomb. We are not at all in that situation. Iraq is a glaring example of how, in many cases, the use of force exacerbates the problem rather than [solves] it."[13]In an interview published on July 12, 2010, in the German magazine Der Spiegel, ElBaradei said "I do not believe that the Iranians are actually producing nuclear weapons. . . .[I]n general, the danger of a nuclear-armed Iran is overestimated; some even play it up intentionally.[36][edit]Former U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has indirectly criticized ElBaradei for "muddying the message" to Iran and has also said that "the IAEA is not in the business of diplomacy. The IAEA is a technical agency that has a board of governors of which the United States is a member." In response to Rice's comments, a senior official from the agency said that "the IAEA is only doing now what the U.N. Security Council asked us to do."[37] ElBaradei notes that Rice said that, "from the U.S. perspective, I served with distinction,",[38] and Rice has further said that she appreciated his "stewardship of the nonproliferation regime."[39]Former prime minister and current president of Israel, Shimon Peres, has said that "there are holes in the (IAEA) apparatus for deterring a culture of nuclear weapons, as in the case with Iran, but the agency certainly has done much in the prevention of nuclear weapons from reaching dangerous hands."[40] In a different reaction, former Israeli Deputy Prime Minister Shaul Mofaz has called for ElBaradei to be impeached.[41]In September 2007, French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner, warned about the potential dangers of a nuclear Iran. He stated that "we have to prepare for the worst, and the worst is war."[42] In response to Kouchner, ElBaredei characterized talk of attacking Iran as "hype", and dismissed the notion of a possible attack on Iran. He referred to the war in Iraq, where "70,000 innocent civilians have lost their lives on the suspicion that a country has nuclear weapons."[43] He further added "I do not believe at this stage that we are facing a clear and present danger that requires [that] we go beyond diplomacy."[44]Iran points out that ElBaradei has highlighted the lack of evidence that Iran is after a nuclear bomb[45][46] and has stated that Iran is meeting its obligations to allow inspectors into its nuclear sites. Iran further states that the IAEA chief has consistently verified non-diversion in Iran's nuclear program and has said that his investigations show no military aspect in Iran's program.[47][48] According to theTehran Times political desk, ElBaradei has reaffirmed in December 2008 that Iran's nuclear activities are "legal".[49][50]Dr. Kaveh L Afrasiabi, the author of After Khomeini: New Directions in Iran's Foreign Policy, said that ElBaradei has been downplaying Iran's cooperation for some time, a statement which is raising the ire of Tehran. Afrasiabi further says that ElBaradei has given himself "the license to speculate on the timeline when Iran could convert its peaceful nuclear work into weaponization," which is irresponsible and inconsistent with his statements on other states.[51]
ElBaradei and Colin PowellThe NAM has also reiterated "its full confidence in the impartiality and professionalism of the Secretariat of the IAEA." "[The] NAM recognizes the IAEA as the sole competent authority for verification and expresses its full confidence in the professionalism and impartiality of the IAEA. In this regard, [the] NAM strongly believes that all issues on safeguards and verification, including those of Iran, should be resolved only by the agency, within its framework, and be based on technical and legal grounds," the NAM said in another statement.[31][52][edit]Multinational control of the nuclear fuel cycleIn an op-ed that he wrote for the Economist in 2003, ElBaradei outlined his idea for the future of the nuclear fuel cycle. His suggestion was to “limit the processing of weapon-usable material in civilian nuclear programs, as well as the production of new material, by agreeing to restrict these operations exclusively to facilities under multinational control.” Also, “nuclear-energy systems should be deployed that, by design, avoid the use of materials that may be applied directly to making nuclear weapons.” He concluded by saying that “considerable advantages would be gained from international co-operation in these stages of the nuclear-fuel cycle. These initiatives would not simply add more non-proliferation controls, to limit access to weapon-usable nuclear material; they would also provide access to the benefits of nuclear technology for more people in more countries.”[53]Non-nuclear-weapon states have been reluctant to embrace these proposals due to a perception that the commercial or strategic interests of nuclear-weapon states motivate the proposals, a perception that the proposals produce a dependency on a limited number of nuclear fuel suppliers, and a concern that the proposal restricts their unalienable right to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes.[54][edit]Technical cooperation and cancer controlElBaradei’s work does not only concentrate on nuclear verification. Another very important aspect is development through nuclear technology. In 2004, ElBaradei sponsored a comprehensive global initiative—the Programme of Action for Cancer Therapy (PACT)--to fight cancer. In one of his statements, Elbaradei said: “A silent crisis in cancer treatment persists in developing countries and is intensifying every year. At least 50 to 60 percent of cancer victims can benefit from radiotherapy, but most developing countries do not have enough radiotherapy machines or sufficient numbers of specialized doctors and other health professionals.” In the first year of operation, PACT provided cancer-treatment capacity in seven member states, using the IAEA's share of the 2005 Nobel Peace Prize.[55]In his speech to the 2008 General Conference, ElBaradei said that “development activities remain central to our work. Our resources have long been insufficient to keep pace with requests for support, and we have increasingly made use of partnerships with other organizations, regional collaborations and country-to-country support. I again emphasise that technical cooperation is not a bargaining chip, part of a political 'balance' between the development and safeguards activities of the agency.”[56][edit]International Crisis GroupElBaradei served on the Board of Trustees of the International Crisis Group, a non-governmental organization that enjoys an annual budget of over $15 million and is bankrolled by the Carnegie, the Ford Foundation, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, as well as George Soros’ Open Society Institute. Soros himself serves as a member of the organization’s Executive Committee.[57][edit]Egyptian politics[edit]2011 Egyptian revolutionMain article: 2011 Egyptian revolution
Mohammed ElBaradei during Friday of AngerWhile speaking at the Harvard Kennedy School of Government on April 27, 2010, ElBaradei joked that he is "looking for a job" and is seeking to be an "agent of change and an advocate for democracy" within Egyptian politics. He also made clear that his wife is not very enthusiastic about any potential run.[58]On January 27, 2011, ElBaradei returned to Egypt amid ongoing turmoil, with the largest mass protests in 30 years, which had begun two days earlier, on January 25, 2011. ElBaradei declared himself ready to lead a transitional government if that was the will of the nation, saying that, "If [people] want me to lead the transition, I will not let them down."[59] Subsequently, "when he joined protesters Friday after noon prayers, police fired water cannons at him and his supporters. They used batons to beat some of ElBaradei's supporters, who surrounded him to protect him."[60] On January 28, 2011, ElBaradei was reported to have been placed under house arrest in Egypt.[61] However, the next day, when he was interviewed by Al Jazeera, he said that he was unaware of any such arrest.[62]Later on, ElBaradei arrived in Tahrir Square to join thousands of other protesters against the Mubarak regime and spoke directly to the people, stating that they "have taken back [their] rights" and that they cannot go back. A number of Egyptian political movements have called on ElBaradei to form a transitional government.[63] ElBaradei has also stated that "the people [of Egypt] want the regime to fall." In response to the appointment of Omar Suleiman as the new vice president of Egypt, ElBaradei stated that it was a "hopeless, desperate attempt by Mubarak to stay in power. I think [that] it is loud and clear...that Mubarak has to leave today." Additionally, ElBaradei restated his position that, when Egypt does become a democratic nation, "there is no reason to believe that a democracy in Egypt would not lead to a better relationship with the US based on respect and equity."[64]The Guardian reported that ElBaradei has been mandated by the Muslim Brotherhood and four other opposition groups to negotiate an interim "national salvation government." However, BBC reports that the Muslim Brotherhood, the largest opposition party banned by Mubarak's regime, has not consented to the choice of ElBaradei as the representative of the opposition. "The people have not appointed Mohamed ElBaradei to become a spokesman of them. The Muslim Brotherhood is much stronger than Mohamed ElBaradei as a person. And we do not agree [that he should represent] this movement. The movement is represented by itself, and it will [appoint] a committee. . .to [delegate its representatives]."[65]His appointment is controversial largely because of the long periods that he has spent outside the country. His appointment is seen as a recognition of the importance of various Western nations' support of the revolts.[edit]Possible presidential candidacyMain articles: Egyptian presidential election, 2012 and National Association for ChangeElBaradei's name has been circulated by opposition groups since 2009 as a possible candidate to succeed President Hosni Mubarak in Egypt's highest executive position.[66][67][68]ElBaradei did not make any clear statements regarding his intentions to run for the office; however, he has demanded that certain conditions be met to ensure fair elections accompanied by changes to the constitution that will allow more freedom for independent candidates before he would actually consider running for the presidency. Several opposition groups have endorsed him, considering him a neutral figure who could transition the country to greater democracy.On February 24, 2010, ElBaradei met with several opposition leaders and notable intellectuals at his home in Cairo. The meeting was concluded with an announcement for the formation of a new non-party-political movement called the "National Association for Change." The movement aims for general reforms in the political scene and mainly article 76 of the Egyptian constitution, which places restrictions on free presidential elections, especially when it comes to independent candidates. The banned political group, the Muslim Brotherhood, was represented at the meeting by one of its key figures; however, its stand in accepting a non-member of its group as a representative is still unclear. It is also unknown whether Amr Moussa, the head of the Arab League who met with ElBaradei a day earlier, will be part of the new movement.[69]On March 7, 2011 it was announced that Elbaradei intended to run for the presidential elections, this intention was later clearly stated in a live interview by ElBaradei to the ON TV channel March 10, 2011.[70] On January 14, 2012 ElBaradei declared he would not run for president.[71][edit]AwardsDuring his tenure as Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency, ElBaradei has been recognized with many awards for his efforts to ensure that nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes.[edit]2005 Nobel Peace PrizeOn October 7, 2005, ElBaradei and the IAEA were announced as joint recipients of the Nobel Peace Prize for their "efforts to prevent nuclear energy from being used for military purposes and to ensure that nuclear energy, for peaceful purposes, is used in the safest possible way." ElBaradei donated all of his winnings to building orphanages in Cairo. The IAEA's winnings are being spent to train scientists from developing countries to use nuclear techniques in combating cancer and malnutrition. ElBaradei is the fourth Egyptian to receive the Nobel Prize, following Anwar Sadat (1978 in Peace),Naguib Mahfouz (1988 in Literature), and Ahmed Zewail (1999 in Chemistry).
In his Nobel lecture, ElBaradei said that the changing landscape of nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament may be defined by the emergence of an extensive black market in nuclear material and equipment, the proliferation of nuclear weapons and sensitive nuclear technology, and the stagnation in nuclear disarmament. To combat proliferation, ElBaradei has suggested keeping nuclear and radiological material out of the hands of extremist groups, tightening control over the operations for producing the nuclear material that could be used in weapons, and accelerating disarmament efforts.[72] ElBaradei also stated that only one percent of the money spent to develop new weapons would be enough to feed the entire world and that, if we hope to escape self destruction, nuclear weapons should have no place in our collective conscience and no role in our security.
United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan said that he was delighted that the 2005 Nobel Peace Prize had been awarded to the UN nuclear watchdog and its head, ElBaradei. "The secretary general congratulates him and the entire staff of the agency, past and present, on their contributions to global peace," a spokesman for Annan said.[73][edit]Other awards and recognition
ElBaradei in the 45th Munich Security Conference 2009ElBaradei has received many awards for his work as director of the IAEA:
- The Decoration for Services to the Republic of Austria (Grand Decoration in Gold with Sash) (2009)
- The Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany (Grand Cross with Star and Sash) (2010)[74]
- The Franklin D. Roosevelt Four Freedoms Award (2006)[75]
- The James Park Morton Interfaith Award[76]
- The Golden Plate award from the American Academy of Achievement[76]
- The Jit Trainor award from Georgetown University for distinction in the conduct of diplomacy[77]
- The Human Security award from the Muslim Public Affairs Council[78]
- The Prix de la Fondation award from the Crans Montana Forum[79]
- Honorary Patron of the University Philosophical Society (2006) of Trinity College, Dublin, following in the footsteps of previous Nobel Peace Prize WinnersDesmond Tutu and John Hume[81]
- Greatest Nile Collar, the highest Egyptian civilian decoration, awarded by the Government of Egypt[80]
- Award for Distinguished Contribution to the Peaceful Worldwide Use of Nuclear Technology, awarded by The World Nuclear Association in September 2007[82]
- The Mostar 2007 international peace award of the Mostar Center for Peace and Multiethnic Cooperation[83]
- The 2008 "Peacebuilding Award" of the EastWest Institute[84][85]
- The International Seville NODO Prize for Peace, Security and Inter-Cultural Dialogue[86]
- The 2008 Indira Gandhi Prize for Peace, Disarmament and Development[87]
- The 2009 Delta Prize for Global Understanding, sponsored by the University of Georgia and Delta Air Lines[88]
- The XIV International Grupo Compostela-Xunta de Galicia Prize
Statements to the mediaReactions to Elbaradei's role in addressing the nuclear program of Iran
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